Kim Jong Un: should sons and daughters of former presidents be allowed to rule?

By Kabuga Daniel Mulindwa

North Korea is in the spotlight after the death of the country’s supreme leader, Kim Jong-il. North Korea should be of interest to us for two reasons: it seems to exist outside the western tradition—operating under a communist ideology and eschewing elections. The latter settled succession debates after the death of Kim Jong II. Botswana and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are similar to North Korea because in both countries, the sons of former presidents are at the helm of political office.

Kim Jong Un, the new president of North Korea.

All this brings to mind a question; should sons and daughters of former presidents be allowed to rule? Col. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the first born son of Ugandan President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni has been in the eye of the storm since the recent succession debates for Uganda’s presidency started. When President Yoweri Museveni transformed the Presidential Guard Brigade into an elite branch of the Ugandan Army naming it the Special Forces Group, Ugandans became suspicious that he was doing it to prepare his son to succeed him.

A younger Kim Jong Un sitting next to his father. 

A lot of opinion disapproving President Museveni has been voiced in the Ugandan media. Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu, a former army commander in the government and now a top Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) politician wondered, “Is it for national security or is it for personal political survival? That is what we have to keep watching.”

Subsequently, journalists questioned Muhoozi about his father’s intention to groom him for the top office. Muhoozi flatly denied it, “His Excellency President Yoweri Museveni is not grooming me for the presidency,” he said, adding, “avenues to become President in Uganda are clearly laid down in Uganda’s constitution. If any Ugandan citizen meets these criteria and wins elections, he or she will automatically assume that office.”

 Yes! That’s how it should be but will it?

We should remember that Adolf Hitler, Napoleon Bonaparte, Idi Amin, Joseph Stalin, Milton Obote and many other world leaders had special armies. Saddam Hussein and Mobutu Sese Seko had their sons in their elite armies. Mobutu’s son actually commanded his Special Presidential Division. But the elite armies generally failed to install the first sons as presidents. But there are some sons of presidents who took the army route and became presidents. Joseph Kabila and Ian Khama are immediate examples.

Will Muhoozi emulate Ian Khama or be as lucky as Kim Jong Un?

Ian Khama is the current President of Botswana having assumed power only two years ago. Muhoozi and Khama share a few things in common. Both are sons of Presidents; Ian Khama is the first son of the much revered Seretse Khama (RIP) the first President of Botswana and Muhoozi is the son of Uganda’s current President Yoweri Museveni.  Ian Khama attended Sand Hurst and served in his country’s army rising to the position of army commander. Muhoozi has done all that except becoming army commander. Instead, he commands the Special Forces Group. The eccentric difference between the two men is that Khama is unmarried and has no girl friend at fifty seven (the Khama brand could end with him). Probably he’s so busy with important national issues like Uganda’s UPC President Olara Otunnu to have time for ‘trivial’ matters like women (the women reading this are not trivial).

Col. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, standing with his parents.

Muhoozi’s situation may be more difficult than Khama’s or Kim Jong Un. Imagine a situation where President Museveni tries to push his own son ahead of ‘the queue’ by-passing the veteran members who’ve been waiting patiently in line to reach the teller. Before other Ugandans like Besigye would make an alarm, those in the queue would be the first to call the Saracen Askari at the bank’s door to keep this guy in the line— behind them. It happened in Kenya when old Baba Daniel Arap Moi tried to bring in Uhuru Kenyatta, son of former president Jomo Kenyatta to succeed him as president of Kenya. The old KANU politicians could not hear of it.  Moi and Uhuru’s plan was thwarted although Uhuru has worked his way up the ladder and is currently the Minister of Finance.

Ian Khama, president of Botswana.

Even the military option makes Muhoozi’s succession uncertain. With the current democratic wave, it may be difficult for any individual to rule by military means let alone being handpicked and imposed on the system. Serious lobbying, networking and consensus building must take place at least within the NRM party. Neither money nor guns are sufficient. Uganda has become too dynamic for parochial political approaches.

Muhoozi has been accused of being inept but such accusations have not been elucidated. Otherwise he should be given chance to meet the voters. He could contest after retiring from the army and, he doesn’t have to contest for President in 2016. This could be after the successor of his father. The odds against him are many if he attempts to be president now; his chances for victory are very slim. Having a god-father may not be sufficient for anybody to win the top office and be sustained there.

Politics demands boundless energy, resolute character, being astute and eloquent. Thabo Mbeki the former South African President came to the limelight because he was a son to Govan Mbeki, a freedom fighter and a member of Nelson Mandela’s inner circle. But most importantly he possessed political acumen and was an intellectual. The ANC big men spotted talent in him and nurtured and supported him. Off the African continent, the world reminisces sons and daughters of former top politicians who performed exceptionally as presidents or prime ministers. John Quincy Adams was the sixth president of the United States whose great ability history acknowledges his sonship to the second president of that country notwithstanding.

Rwandan president Paul Kagame at the graduation ceremony of his son (right) from Westpoint Military academy, USA.

Benazir Bhutto, erstwhile lady prime minister of Pakistan from 1988 to 1990 and from 1993 to 1996 was the daughter of former Prime Minister Zulfikir Ali Bhutto from 1971 to 1977. But years before becoming prime minister, she had been elected as the first Asian female to serve as President of the Oxford Union. I don’t think she was elected to the post just because she was the daughter of a prime minister. Indira Ghandi a former prime minister of India from 1966 to 1977 and from 1980 to 1984 was the only child of former prime minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru. Indira Ghandi won the elections to become India’s prime minister two years after the death of her father. She remained a maze to India’s senior political leaders in the dominant Congress Party who had doubted her ability. Notice that each of these ladies made a comeback to the top office after the death of their fathers; a sign of endurance, resilience and intelligence.

That aside, India and Pakistan at that time had some of the most turbulent, hostile and erratic politics in Asia. Meddling in politics was akin to climbing a slippery mountain with stones and broken glasses on a rainy day. No wonder the two ladies died in brutal assassinations but not after they had proven to the world that the children of former prime ministers have what it takes to lead.

It is also necessary to remember that the world’s notorious dictators— Pol Pot, Slobodan Milosevic, Augusto Pinochet, Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Wazabanga Ngimbendo (the only cock), Badel Bokasa, Josef Stalin, Samuel Doe etc were not sons of former prime ministers or presidents. The problem seems to be the way leaders assume power or whether there are checks and balances in the political systems that determine the way they govern.

Talent and ability are a scarce resource. No prejudice should hinder us from getting them even though they may abide in the presidents quarters. Instead of shrugging our shoulders in rejection, individuals like Muhoozi should be allowed to face democratic processes. If the Julianas (voters) testify, ‘guno munnyo gwenyini,’ (they are worthy), then they should lead. What I regard as evil is when talented men are left on the sidelines and less able ones are invited to enjoy the spoils of power.

Kabuga Daniel Mulindwa is a postgraduate student of MA in Journalism and Communication at Makerere University

KARAMOJA: Where desolation and poverty reigns amid 'hidden' treasure

By Irene Nakasiita

Today at church, we were praying for the marginalised groups in the country and one of my friends was wondering how many more ethnic groups fall under that category apart from the Batwa: I rushed to mention the Karimojongs, and another voice from the back loudly said “No”.

 “A marginalized group is poor, but Karamoja has a lot of wealth, they have probably not yet realised how rich they are,” she added.

LAND OF HIDDEN TREASURE:
A young Karimojong girl working in the mines .

This special prayer meeting reminded me of the presentation we did in class about minority groups in Uganda.

One of the reasons that make such groups to be termed as “minority” is the fact that they are underprivileged. However, research has it that Karamoja is one of the wealthiest regions of Uganda. It has great mineral deposits and vast land. A great Uganda might sprout out of Karamoja.

But one wonders, despite this great wealth, no one in Parliament was ready to be the minister for Karamoja. The First Lady, Mrs. Janet Museveni, who is also MP for Ruhama County, is said to have volunteered to serve in this “unwanted” position, and seems to be thriving.



CALL OF DUTY OR GOLD RUSH:
Janet Museveni greeting Karimojong women.



On March 9, 2009 Museveni explained his wife’s ministerial appointment to the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) that: “Since many of our elite ministers did not want to work in Karamoja, I asked Janet to help me develop one of the backward areas of our country.”

As if his wife would be insecure there, the same president appointed his half-brother, in the position of presidential advisor on defense matters, Salim Saleh a.k.a Caleb Akandwanaho, to oversee implementation of security in the land.

Until now, no minister seems to feel better enough to succeed Janet in ministering to the “underprivileged” region. Just like Karamoja, many other regions in the country are in a destitute state ye t they are naturally gifted and blessed with great resources.

A PROUD PEOPLE: A typical Karimojong warrior.

It is just a matter of the country’s leadership being good stewards of the country’s resources and Uganda will take off to the economic stratosphere. Apparently, the programmes running in northern Uganda are not anywhere near gold mining rather too agricultural. Food security is not the only rapid response needed in the land to curb poverty.

The leadership however, has been focusing too much on the NAADS programmes rather than opening the eyes of the locals to the great gold deposits in Kaboong and other parts.

"We want to see how (local people's) minds can be engaged in production so that they are not at the periphery but participating in development alternatives," said Pius Bigirimana, permanent secretary at the Office of the Prime Minister.

However, one wonders how the local people will benefit from the wealth in their land. Since much activity has not taken place, let’s watch and pray for the best out of this.

Irene Nakasiita is a second year Masters Student at Makerere University, Department of Journalism & Mass Communication.

How Uganda’s ‘strongmen’ have killed democracy

By Peter Nyanzi

Over the past three decades, President Yoweri Museveni has invested much effort in ensuring that good governance and democracy are entrenched in Uganda’s politics. As soon as he took over power in 1986, Mr Museveni’s government embarked on the laborious and expensive task of drafting a new Constitution to form the foundation on which wide-ranging political reforms, good governance and social transformation would be built.

Indeed, the 1995 Constitution was drafted, debated and promulgated with the noble aim of “building a better future by establishing a socio-economic and political order … based on the principles of unity, peace, equality, democracy, freedom, social justice and progress.” 

To that end, the State was mandated by the Constitution to endeavor to mobilise, organise and empower the people to build independent and sustainable foundations for the development of Uganda and to guarantee and respect the independence of organisations that protect and promote human rights. In the same spirit, more than 10 institutions were created by the Constitution, which are supposed to be independent and “must not be subject to the control and direction of any person or authority in the performance of their duties.”

These institutions – the majority of them oversight institutions – include the Uganda Human Rights Commission, Electoral Commission, Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP), the Judicial Service Commission and Bank of Uganda. The others are, the Office of the Auditor General, Public Service Commission, Education Service Commission, Health Service Commission, and the Inspectorate of Government.

Implicitly, the other two arms of the state - the Judiciary and Parliament - are also supposed to be independent of the Executive in line with the universally-acclaimed principle of ‘separation of powers.’ This is intended to ensure adequate ‘checks and balances’ as a safeguard against dictatorship so that one arm of the State does not wield absolute power.

Why independence?

The framers of the Constitution purposely shielded the 10 institutions from external control or and direction because they knew that these independent state/public institutions would have a big role to play in consolidating democratic governance and an accountable government.

There are other non-state institutions such as the Church, the media and civil society organizations, which are also supposed to be independent and autonomous; given their importance as bulwarks against autocracy, bad governance and abuse of public office. Indeed, these institutions are necessary to safeguard the public interest by standing as ‘a go between’ for the private sphere and the State, which is why it is absolutely important that they are autonomous, independent and free from bias as a result of external State influences.

Over the past 25 years, President Museveni’s government has been credited for setting up dozens of other semi-autonomous bodies under various ministries to support public service provision.  These include the authorities – such as UFA, URA, CAA, ERA, NEMA, UIA, KCCA, UCC, etc) and corporations such as UBC, NW&SC, and semi-autonomous entities such as Vision Group and NAADS.

A MERE CHANGE OF GUARD OR FUNDAMENTAL CHANGE? Yoweri Kaguta Museveni swearing-in as president in 1986 soon after his National Resistance Army rebels captured power. 

25 YEARS LATER, NOT YET UHURU: While the NRM has made significant improvement in the area of security, and economic recovery, allegations of bribery, corruption, nepotism, and human rights violations continue to dog Gen Yoweri Kaguta Museveni's government. 

However, one does not dig too deep to note that the independence of most if not all of these venerable institutions has been compromised, politicized or abused under President Museveni’s regime.  Every one of them, notably the IGG, Bank of Uganda, the various Commissions and the DPP have totally lost the shine on their independence and autonomy.  Ironically, it is President Museveni who pushed for their creation who has contributed most to this state of affairs.

Strong institutions vital to democracy

On his first trip to the African continent in July 2009 only months after being elected US President, Mr Barack Obama famously stated that, “Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.” Indeed, Uganda is gradually moving back to a situation whereby a few strongmen are more powerful than the august institutions that are supposed to protect the public interest and ‘public goods.’

We see what ACODE Executive Director Godbar Tumushabe describes as “strategic political opportunism” that has put these noble institutions under immense pressure from “entrenched interests” and “patronage networks” that make it impossible for them to achieve their constitutional mandate and eventually the long-term development and governance objectives of the country. All these key institutions have lost credibility in the eyes of the public because of patronage and public service delivery is suffering.

I think it is not too late to reverse this trend.  I do agree with President Obama that Uganda indeed does need strong and independent institutions more than a strong Presidency. One way to avoid this is to ensure that the heads of these institutions are not appointed by the President, because there is a danger of one pandering to the whims of the appointing authority.

If institutions were given the legroom and freedom to do their work professionally without undue external pressure, President Museveni would not even have too much work to do and he would perform his mandate more effectively.  Assuming the various organs of an organism are doing their roles well without any disruption, the brain would not have to work a lot. Yet, here we are with a President who is stressed, overworked and losing control because almost everything is referred to his attention.  Is it any wonder that he has never taken a holiday like his peers in other countries do every year?

In this new term of office, the NRM can determine to revisit the ideals of the past, rebuild trust in institutions and give them the freedom to fulfill their mandate, which as I have already stated, is the bedrock of accountable government, the rule of law and democratic governance.  

The writer is an MA student of Journalism & Communication at Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda.

Daring to be different: inside the life of award-winning Ugandan gay rights activist Frank Mugisha

By Patience Akumu

Frank Mugisha, 29, pulls up in his red sports car. Nothing too fancy, but you can tell it is one of those cars the owner has developed a personal relationship with - old number plate, faded paint…. He lowers his windows and flashes his trade-mark smile - the smile of a man who has negotiated the tricky path of advocating for the rights of homosexual people in Uganda since 2004. 

In a country where the socio-legal regime outlaws homosexuality and most people support the Anti-Homosexuality Bill, which if made law would make some homosexual acts punishable by death, Mugisha has sure had his fair share of bumps, potholes and tight corners. His facebook page describes him as: “Out and proud.”

Today, he is not focusing on the battles lost, the lives taken, the humiliation, or the media bashing that are part and parcel of the lives of LGBTIs (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transsexual and Intersex people) in Uganda. He is too elated and humbled by the Robert F. Kennedy (RFK) Human Rights award he received on 11^th November, he says. The award was established in 1984 to honour innovative people striving for social justice throughout the world. It recognises the kind of courageous activism associated with former U.S Attorney General and New York Senator (Dem) Robert F. Kennedy, a noted civil rights activist.

This is not the only reason Mugisha is smiling. Under his leadership, Sexual Minorities Uganda (SMUG), the umbrella organization for homosexual rights groups in Uganda also won the 2011 Rafto Prize award, which seeks to promote intellectual and political freedom, and is awarded to voices that are otherwise oppressed by corrupt regimes. Mugisha received the award on behalf of SMUG on 6^th November in Norway.

Winning two international awards within one month is no mean feat. Mugisha says it is because of the unique situation of LGBT people in Uganda, a country which has shown unbridled homophobia. He adds that fighting for homosexual rights in Uganda and living as a homosexual is not easy. And that no amount of money or influence would make anyone choose to live as a homosexual.

“It is who we are. We cannot do anything about it,” he says, adding that he has always known he was a homosexual since childhood.

But tracing his childhood and familial background is something of a sensitive issue. Revealing the Kampala suburb where he grew up might make it easy for people who hate homosexuals to identify his exact home and possibly make his family a target, he cautions.

Sitting peacefully at the balcony of his apartment and taking in the serenity of his surroundings, the idea that someone would witch-hunt him, let alone his family, seems far-fetched. Yet, the November 2010 Rolling Stone newspaper incidence, where the now defunct Rolling stone newspaper printed the names, pictures and addresses of supposed homosexuals with a call to “hang them” is still fresh in Mugisha’s mind.

“I would like to tell you all about me. But the reality is different when you live as a homosexual. I have to protect my family, my friends and other homosexuals who have not yet come out.”



The 2011 Rafto Prize laureate, Sexual Minorities Uganda (SMUG), represented by Frank Mugisha (right), Executive Director of SMUG and Pepe, Program Coordinator at SMUG, during the torchlight procession after the award ceremony at the National Venue of Theatre in Bergen on 6 November 2011.  Photo: Liv-Randi Lind and Oddmund Lunde.

 Mugisha says that his present residence is safe. His land lord knows he is a homosexual, while the neighbors mind their own business. This is unlike his previous home where he tells of how the neighbours would peer at him and keep tabs on all his visitors.

“They would be very confused today because I brought home a pregnant woman,” he chuckles, looking pointedly at my swollen belly.

It is for this same reason he does not want the schools he went to published in the media. He however reveals that he was something of an academic high flyer, scoring aggregate 8 in Primary Seven and later 16 points at A’ Level. This, he attributes to the fact that he went to top schools in the country. For High School he was at a catholic single school that today ranks in the top five.

Mugisha does not remember exactly what he scored at 0’ Level, but he says they were good marks.

“I never had to make a CV. I have been doing activism work since 2004 when I was at University. That is why I do not remember all the details of my marks.”

Mugisha went to Kyambogo University where he started the group Ice Breakers so he could relate to people of similar orientation. “We were not out to make noise or anything. We would just get together and talk about things affecting us,” he says.

Mugisha however, found himself writing passionate articles to mainstream media and on the internet, all of them in reaction to the remarks politicians and church leaders would make that he felt violated the rights of homosexuals. He wrote letters to the New Vision and The Daily Monitor, and contributed to online magazines like Queer Ty and Behind the Mask. He also contributed to LGBTI friendly blogs. Mugisha graduated with an Upper Second Bachelor’s Degree in Graphics Design. In 2007, he became chair of Sexual Minorities Uganda and went on to design their first newsletter.

Far from being proud of his achievements as a human rights activist and international award winner, Mugisha says the schools he went to would be offended if he mentioned their names.

“I think even if an LGBTI person won gold for this country they would never be appreciated,” he adds, and you can detect the disappointment in his voice.

Mugisha may have lost friends along the way for being openly homosexual, but he says today there are a lot of people who care and understand him. “They know I am not a child molester. And they have never seen any white man trying to convert me. They realise I am a good person,” he says.

Mugisha credits this to the relentless activism of the LGBTI community. “A small percentage of particularly the elites now appreciates that we are also human beings.” Also, the people who matter the most, like his mother and only brother, are fine with who he is and what he does.

“Some people think the awards are a shame. When I called my mother, she had already heard about it in the media. She is happy for me.”

Frank Mugisha, receiving the RAFTO award.

Mugisha says that the best part of winning the awards is the fact that they highlight once again that homosexual rights are also human rights. And also, it sends an important message to young activists that they too can be recognized for their work.

One of Mugisha’s very close friends, a homosexual male, describes him as an “open, generous and happy person.” While another says he has never met anyone quite like him. But does this kind of open generosity warrant an award?

“Definitely,” says one of them. “It is hard doing what he does.” Asked if he would, like Mugisha, ever come out, he says:  “No! Are you crazy? My parents would kill themselves.”

It is getting dark, and Mugisha’s Apple iphone is incessantly ringing. He has to go and meet his partner of three years. It is time to say good bye to the spotless apartment with pretty furniture, and the numerous pairs of stylish shoes that fill half his corridor. One of them was lucky enough to grace his feet when he stepped up to receive his medals of honour.

The writer is a second year Master of Arts student of Journalism and Communication at Makerere University. She writes for the bi-weekly Observer newspaper in Uganda http://observer.ug/ specializing in human rights reporting and coverage. veroak2001@yahoo.com

WORLD AIDS SPECIAL: About time Uganda rethinks its HIV/AIDS strategy

By Arthur Oyako

Yesterday a friend gave me information that should have shocked me but it did not. She said the HIV infection rates in Uganda had a hit a new all-time high.

“In Uganda 356 people get infected with HIV every day,” she said.

While this is a high number to live with, the country has lately taken on trends that would, if not encourage the spread of AIDS, provide a platform for an escalation of the pandemic.

Looking at where the Uganda HIV/AIDS story begun, it is unfortunate to note that what was once an international case study for major populations grappling with the AIDS scourge, Uganda is slowly becoming a failure at managing the once health threatening pandemic.

The scope of Uganda's success published in The Lancet Medical Journal in 2002 questioned the dramatic decline that Ugandan leaders had boasted about over the years.

The same report claimed that statistics were distorted through inaccurate extrapolation of data from small urban clinics to the entire population, nearly 90 per cent of whom live in rural areas. Also, recent trials of the HIV drug nevirapine have come under intense scrutiny and criticism.

As if that is not bad enough, the Global Alliance on Vaccines (GAVI) alongside the Global Fund have yet again cut funds towards the fight of HIV in Uganda. Their reason for this move is that Ugandans are corrupt and cannot account for the monies they receive.

One wonders if that money would not have come in handy in crafting some radio and television advertisements for a media awareness campaign to step up the AIDS fight. Would we not style up our act if not just this once?  

Just last year, the BBC carried a report on the increase of HIV in Uganda, and when I shared it with a few colleagues they jokingly told me that life was too short to live worrying about HIV. And besides, there was a way of living a healthy and productive life for decades to come. In short, there was nothing to worry about.

One day at an adolescent’s seminar at one of the upscale secondary schools, I realised that while there was a general fear of contracting HIV/AIDS, the fear of getting pregnant was higher amongst most students.

That begs the question, what has become of society? Is there need to revisit the many AIDS campaigns and policies from the early 1990’? Is there a need to redesign these messages, and if so, who should these messages target?  

Canon Gideon Byamugisha, one of Uganda's leading AIDS activists.

Current statistics show that there is an increase in HIV among the married more than the young and single.

 The challenge here is that the same girls that we (my age mates and I) would have probably felt more comfortable associating with are also the very same ones being targeted by the older men, including those who are married.  The older women are no better at protecting the younger boys either, and yet there is a likelihood that consistence at condom use for the sexually active is bound to fall as people become regular sex partners.

Arthur Oyako is a 2^nd year Masters student of Journalism and Communication, Makerere University, Kampala. 

Why Autocrats Drag Their Families in State Affairs

By James Thembo

There are times when one’s gathered thoughts lead to the conclusion that some leaders intentionally toil towards their ill-fate, and then that of their family. Let us explore this starting with the fresh occurrences in Libya.

November 18^th and 20^th 2011 came with two big prizes for the National Transitional Council, the new leaders in Libya: The capture of Seif Al-Islam and Abdulla Al-Senussi. The former was, until his father’s slaughter, the presidential heir-apparent while the latter was the powerful brother-in-law to Muamar Abu Minyar Al-Gaddafi. He was the intelligence chief of the Gaddafi regime and was associated with a myriad of atrocities. The two captives are wanted by the International Criminal Court.

Seif Islam is a Western educated sleek face who acted like an informal Prime minister of Libya. He recommended ministers and recruited the dreadful mercenaries whose acts sustained Gaddafi’s response to the Benghazi-based rebels. Needless to say, he was loaded with money and businesses and sporadically ran his dad’s charities, including one to the mighty London School of Economics. Other Gaddafi children, seven in number, were absorbed in state affairs with varying degrees of meddling. Three of them; Saif Al-Arab, Khamis and Mo’tassim were killed fighting NTC forces.


Five of Gaddafi’s sons, two of whom died fighting NTC rebels and a third bombed by NATO.

 Many such cases are sprinkled across Africa. Eyadema senior in Togo was succeeded by his son Faure Gnassingbe Eyadema. It was the same story in Gabon where deceased Omar Bongo was substituted by his long geared-up son, Ben Ali Bongo. Ben Ali of Tunisia and Mubarak of Egypt were scheming the same transgression until their stratagem was thwarted by the Arab Spring. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, it was a rushed substitution, monarchy style, of eliminated Laurent by young Joseph…and a Mobutu son who is a presidential contender this year (2011) is failing to convince voters that his mission is not re-establishment of ‘Mobutuism.’

Imagination is good. So visualize how nosy the children of Idi Amin and Jean Bokasa (in Uganda and Central African Republic) would be if they became adults at State House! These two rulers’ offsprings at a pre-teen age were already receiving first rate state medals of achievement when their fathers were toppled.

 Here is why I think these things happen. Dictators, especially in Africa, have molded the practice of taking care of their own into a form of fine art. If it is not nepotistic job offers, it is business rewards using taxpayers’ money… (making P.A.Y.E, one of the top taxes griping citizens’ throats in Uganda echo like: Pay As Yoweri Enjoys!)

Again in Uganda, journalist Andrew Mwenda on March 11, 2009 wrote a story in The Independent titled: Family Rule In Uganda. He quoted American journalist David Lamb in his book, The Africans (p. 9) thus:
“William Tolbert, the assassinated Liberian President had his brother Frank as pro tempore to the Senate, his brother Steven was minister of finance, his sister Lucia was Mayor of Bentol City, his son A.B was an ambassador at large, his daughter Wilhelimina was the Presidential physician, his daughter Christine was deputy minister of education, his niece Tula was the Presidential dietician, his three nephews were assistant minister of Presidential affairs, agricultural attaché’ to Rome and vice governor of the national Bank, his four sons-in-law held positions as minister of defense, deputy minister of public works, commissioner for migration and board member of Air Liberia. One brother-in-law was ambassador to Guinea, another was in the Liberian Senate, and a third was mayor of Monrovia.”

Uuhhh, you sigh to even-out your breath after reading the quote. But again, you gather your thoughts: How does the extract above compare with Uganda’s current nepotism? Has anything changed since Mwenda wrote his Family Rule in Uganda story and later adding another article, By-bye Republic of Uganda, Welcome Rwakitura Kingdom?

In the first article, critical Mwenda gave a vast number of Museveni’s relatives and in-laws in government while in the second piece, he wrote:

“And so, we have finally neared the summit of our journey from the Republic of Uganda to the Kingdom of Rwakitura under the Kaguta dynasty.” This media celebrity concluded his articles by stating: “Short of walking nude on the streets of Kampala, there is nothing that Museveni can do that can shock anyone anymore…he behaves like Nyungu Ya Maawe of 19^th century Nyamwezi.”

So, yes, a few key things have changed, beginning with Mwenda himself. He is now a part-time critic; infrequently condemning Museveni’s unchanging government and praising it under the same breath. Mrs. Museveni has since become a full cabinet minister while first son Muhoozi is in-charge of his dad’s security. Muhoozi allegedly recruited members of the presidential guard squad after he, himself irregularly joined the army as an LDU. This brings him closer in terms of nature of job to the Gaddafi soldier sons.

I suppose autocrats encircle themselves with relatives and tribes henchmen to stave-off betrayal, including that which relates to assassination. Then together, they elongate their stay until the chief is replaced by a son.

But by doing this, they construct conditions for what they fear most: Loss of power. Resentment accumulates against them and when the bubble bursts, you see a slain Gaddafi put on view like a prized trophy. You see a Mubarak caged like an animal during court trials. You see a Yemen president hit by a rocket in his palace, and still refusing to quit (there is nothing as mad as an infuriated dictator!)

In Uganda, the above tendencies have bred what characterizes our country today: Political god-fathering that rules the job market with big careers and big pay for the well connected, some, hardly out of their teens, leaders’ meddlesome and vindictive behavior, endemic corruption, organized crime syndicates in league with government officials, compromised integrity of media houses and a long list of lead-sycophants to vocally smoothen the status quo.

James Thembo is a 2^nd year Masters student of Journalism and Communication, Makerere University, Kampala. Thembojms@yahoo.com